io^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


■ttlM  lU 
Iff  m  12.2 
^   U£    |2j0 

"■     u 

WWU 

NHS 


6" 


HiotogFajjiic 

Sciences 

Corporafai 


23  WIST  MAIN  STMIT 

WnSTIR,N.Y.  USM 

(71«)  •72-4503 


^    ^1^ 

^.V^ 


'^ 


■«■ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IMIcroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiquas 


Tachnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tacliniquaa  at  bibiiograpiiiquaa 


Tha  instituta  has  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  bast 
original  copy  avaiiabia  for  filming.  Faaturas  of  this 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagas  in  tha 
raproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chaclcad  balow. 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I   Covars  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommagAa 

Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  rastaurte  at/ou  palliculte 

Covar  titia  missing/ 

La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 

Colourad  mapa/ 

Cartas  gtegraphiquas  an  coulaur 


□    Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  blacic)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  biaua  ou  noira! 

I     I   Colourad  piataa  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planchaa  at/ou  iilustratioiis  an  coulaur 

Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
RaliA  avac  d'autraa  documants 

Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

La  re  liura  sarrte  paut  causar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
distortion  la  long  da  la  marga  IntAriaura 

Blank  iaavaa  addad  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Wlwnever  possible,  thesa 
have  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  sa  paut  qua  cartainas  pagas  blanches  aJoutAas 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissant  dans  le  texta, 
mala,  iorsque  cala  4tait  poasibia,  caa  pagaa  n'ont 
paa  4ni  fiimAas. 

Additional  commenta:/ 
Commantaires  suppiAmantairea: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  meillaur  exempiaira 
qu'il  lui  a  AtA  possible  de  sa  procurer.  Lea  dAtaiis 
de  cat  examplaira  qui  «ont  paut-Atre  uniquas  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua,  qui  pauvant  modifier 
une  imaga  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exigar  una 
modification  dans  la  mAthoda  normala  da  filmaga 
3ont  indiqute  ci-daaaoua. 


I — I  Coloured  pagaa/ 


D 


Pagas  da  coulaur 

Pagas  damagad/ 
Pagaa  andommagtea 

Pagaa  rastorad  and/oi 

Pagaa  restaurAas  at/ou  pallicultes 

Pagaa  discoloured,  stainad  or  foxa( 
Pagaa  dteoiortes,  tachettes  ou  piquAas 

Pagaa  datachad/ 
Pages  dttachtes 


I — I  Pagas  damagad/ 

r~n  Pagaa  rastorad  and/or  laminated/ 

rT~|  Pagaa  discoloured,  stainad  or  foxad/ 

I     I  Pagaa  datachad/ 


rpj   Showthrough/ 


TransQaranca 


I     I   Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Qualit*  inAgala  da  I'impreaaion 

Includas  supplamantary  matarial/ 
Comprand  du  material  suppl^mantaira 

Only  adition  avaiiabia/ 
Saula  Mition  diaponlbia 


1 

a 
1 

V 


3 

b 
n 


Pagaa  wholly  or  partially  obacurad  by  arrata 
slips,  tissuea,  ate,  have  been  refilmed  to 
enaura  tha  boat  poasibia  imaga/ 
Laa  pagaa  totalament  ou  partiellei.'>ent 
obacurcias  par  un  fauillat  d'arrata,  urta  palure, 
etc.,  ont  4tA  fiimAaa  A  nouveau  da  fa^on  H 
obtanir  la  maillaure  imaga  poaaikila. 


This  itam  ia  filmad  at  tha  reduction  ratio  chocked  below/ 

Ca  document  aat  film*  au  taux  da  rMuction  indiquA  ci-daaaoua. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


y 

3 

12X 


16X 


aox 


24X 


2ax 


32X 


Tha  copy  filmed  h«r«  hat  baan  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganaroahy  of: 

Library  of  tha  Pubiic 
Archivas  of  Canada 


L'axampiaira  film*  fut  raproduit  grAca  A  la 
gAnAroait*  da: 

La  bibliothiqua  das  Archivas 
publiquas  du  Canada 


Tha  imagas  appearing  hara  ara  tha  b««t  quality 
possibia  considaring  iha  condition  and  lagibiiity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacificatlons. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  Illustrated  Impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  ara  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  Illustrated  imprea- 
slon,  and  ending  on  the  iaat  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impreasion. 


Tha  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shell  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  voo  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ara  filmed 
beginning  In  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  images  suivantas  ont  AtA  reprodultes  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  ie  nettet*  de  i'exemplaira  film«,  at  on 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Les  exempialres  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  nn 
papier  est  imprim«e  sont  filmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  at  en  termlnant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporta  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  ie  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  les  autras  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmfe  wt  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporta  une  anpreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustration  at  an  termlnant  par 
la  darnlAre  page  qui  comporta  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  daa  symbolas  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
dernKre  image  de  chaque  microfiche,  selon  la 
cas:  ie  symbols  -^  signlfie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signlfie  "FIN". 

Les  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fllmte  A  des  taux  da  rAduction  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  fiimA  A  partir 
da  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  da  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  an  bait,  an  prenant  la  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcessaira.  Les  diagrammas  suivants 
lilustrent  la  mAthode. 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

■>    ■  ^.. 


■-■p-i.^.-  -j^Y:v^j'r^  ■  ;•■-    .-n  ' 


SPEECH 


m*« 


OF 


HON.  JOSEPH  H.  CHANDLER 


OF    PENNSYLVANIA, 


ON   THE 


COLLINS  LIXE  OF  AMEKICAN  STEAMEltS. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 


JULY   C,    1853. 


?Hppriori»y  inny  be  conceded  for  a  time,  in  what  it  takes  time  to  complete.  Imt  no  nation  wiP  wisely 
and  willinjily  admit  that  she  is  to  remain  inferior.     No  matier  on  wliat  ttie  slako  is  set 
for  national  contest,  it  is  of  national  import  that  victory  should  be  achieved." 


VV  A  S  III  N  G  T  O  N  : 
r  R  I  N  T  G  [}    BY    J  N  O  .    T  .     TOWERS 
1852. 


t 


J 


SPEECH. 


The  House  having  under  consideration  the  hill  to  supply  dfficlencieB  in  the  eppro- 
propriations  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th  June,  1852 — Mr.  CHANDLER 
said: 

Mr.  Chairman  :  I  need  not  tell  this  House  that  I 
am  specially  opposed  to  the  patronage  Avhich  this 
Government  has  weakly,  and  as  some  think  wickedly 
bestowed  upon  tlie  city  of  New  York,  in  disregard,  and 
I  may  say,  to  the  injury  of  other  cities  of  the  Union. 
I  last  year  dwelt  with  earnestness,  and,  as  it  proved, 
with  effect,  upon  the  manifest  wrong  which  the  lavish 
partiality  of  the  Government  to  New  York  had  inflict- 
ed upon  other  cities — among  others,  that  which  I  in 
part  represent  on  the  floor  of  this  House ;  and  in  no 
one  particular  has  that  injudicious  preference  been 
manifested  more  than  in  that  of  patronage  continued  to 
certain  steamboat  lines  running  from  and  io  New  York, 
in  opposition  to  other  lines  owned  there  or  elsewhere 
in  the  Union,  and  running  in  the  same  trade,  and  be- 
tween the  same  ports.  Jxunning^  I  have  said,  with 
these  Government-favored  steamers — not  exactly  so, 
Mr.  Chairman — but  rea(hj  to  run  with  them,  whenever 
private  enterprises  can  be  left  free  to  compete  with 
private  exertions. 

Against  these  things,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  protested 
not  only  because  New  York  w^as  thereby  enabled  to 
maintain  her  swelling  port,  without  the  investment  of 
ample  capital,  and  without  the  effort  of  fair  competi- 
tion ;  but  also,  and  especially  have  I  protested,  and  do 
I  protest  against  it,  because,  inflated  with  the  favor, 


6 


:.f'  ■; 


'ft. 


rf. 


i    ! 


XeV  York  claims  all  else  of  national  patronage  and 
national  distinction,  and  makes  the  success  of  ber  con- 
stunt  demands  tlie  crrounds  for  ani^mcnted  favoritism  ; 
tlms  improving  npon  the  axiom  of  Scripture,  and  taking 
the  coat  of  the  Government  because  it  has  already  pos- 
sessed itself  of  the  cloak. 

There  is  a  point  when  governmental  favor,  like  pa- 
rental partiality,  rises  from  an  error  into  a  crime,  be- 
cause, while  it  infhxtes  into  impracticable  insolence  the 
object  of  its  favor,  it  disheartens,  cripples,  and  destroys 
the  neglected  rival.  The  judicious  parent  will  promote 
his  own  interest,  indulge  his  own  affection,  and  secure 
the  success  of  his  family,  not  by  lavishing  his  means 
upon  one  child  to  the  injury  of  another,  but  by  the 
judicious  distribution  of  his  property  among  all  his 
sons,  to  enable  them  to  compete  with  the  enterprise  of 
antacronistic  or  rival  neio-hbors. 

So,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  judicious  Government  w^ill  seek 
to  diffuse  its  favor,  if  it  have  favor  to  bestow,  upon  all 
portions  of  its  citizens,  to  enable  each  to  give  efficacy 
to  its  industry,  and  to  enable  all  to  contend  against  the 
industry  and  enterprise  of  the  people  or  Government 
of  another  country.  iVnd  while  I  advocate  the  former, 
and  desire  also  the  latter — while  I  protest  in  the  name 
of  my  constituents  against  any  uses  of  public  funds  that 
shall  tend  to  promote  centralization  on  any  one  city 
against  all  others  in  the  Union,  beyond  the  advantages 
of  nature,  and  the  results  of  well-directed  enterprise,  I 
advocate  such  a  system  of  governmental  power  and 
legislative  competency  as  shall  enable  the  citizens  of  this 
country,  in  all  enterprises  that  involve  capital  and  in- 
dustry, and  seek  to  enlarge  national  and  individual 
benefit,  to  compete  with  and  outstrip  the  enterprise  and 
industry  of  foreign  shores  ;  and  if  that  enterprise  and 
industry,  and  that  devotion  of  capital  by  foreigners, 


•■w 


have  one  of  their  points  d^appui  upon  our  shores — if 
England,  that  almost  omnipotent  architect  of  commer- 
cial consequence,  centers  one  foot  of  her  mighty  com- 
passes in  London,  and  turns  the  other  on  IS'cw  York, 
or  any  other  city  of  our  Union — then,  sir,  I  say  it  is  not 
for  Philadelphia,  it  is  not  for  Boston,  not  for  Baltimore, 
not  for  New  Orleans,  to  stand  aside,  and  let  our  means, 
our  commerce,  our  trade,  our  habits  of  business,  be  cir- 
cumscribed by  English  rule,  and  made  subservient  to 
British  profits. 

The  amendment  now  under  consideration  is  a  pro- 
position to  give  to  a  line  of  steamers  now  already  pat- 
ronized, an  additional  amount  of  compensation  for 
carrying  the  mail  across  the  Atlantic. 

Various  objections  are  made  to  this  amendment : 

1st.  That  individuals  of  New  York  must  be  more 
concerned  than  the  public,  because  they  are  so  anxious 
and  clamorous  for  the  means  of  relief. 

2d.  It  is  said  that  it  is  only  a  New  York  enterprise, 
and  therefore,  has  no  claim  for  support  upon  the  nation 
at  large. 

3d.  It  is  added  that  no  benefit  can  come  from  divid- 
ing with  Great  Britain  the  business  of  mail  transpor- 
tation. 

4th.  And  that  the  contest  with  England  as  to  whose 
steamer  shall  run  the  fastest  in  the  race  across  the  ocean, 
is  unworthy  national  engagement. 

I  purpose  occupying  a  few  minutes  of  the  time  of 
this  committee  in  considering  these  objections,  and  if 
it  should  appear  that  the  premises  which  I  have  assum- 
ed are  correct,  and  that  the  Government  should  sus- 
tain her  people  against  the  enterprises  of  foreigners, 
supported  by  their  own  Government ;  and  if  I  am  suc- 
icessful  in  showing  you  that  the  enterprise  denominated 


»^i 


h ;    ! 


iA  t 


r^  I 


it     «■ 


fv 


tf 


the  "  Collins  Line  of  Steamers"  is  not  a  local  work ;. 
that  it  is  of  general  consequence,  and  is  opposed  by 
foreign  capital,  sustained  by  foreign  governmental  pat- 
ronage, then  I  shall  ask  your  concurrence  in  the  propo- 
sition to  adopt  the  amendment  which  the  Senate  has 
made  to  the  Deficiency  bill,  with  regard  to  this  line  of 
steamers. 

And  let  me  add,  that  while  I  ask  for  the  protection 
of  home  industry,  home  enterprise,  home  capital,  and 
home  independence,  I  only  ask  it  as  a  temporary  en- 
couragement. I  do  not  expect  that  Government  is 
continually  to  protect  the  same  industry  and  the  same 
investment,  or,  indeed,  any  industry  and  any  invest- 
ment which  shall  not  in  time  acquire  strength,  gristle, 
and  bone  to  sustain  itself.  I  am  regarding  the  "  Col- 
lins line  of  steamers  "  as  I  regard  any  other  American 
effort — any  other  child  of  our  glorious  institution.  The 
child  must  be  sustained  until  it  can  go  alone,  and  when 
it  has  once  had  its  share  of  public  support  it  must  stand 
and  move  upon  its  own  feet,  and  leave  public  support 
and  public  protection  to  some  younger  project. 

Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire  to  ask  my 
colleague  why  it  is  that  the  Government  is  asked  to- 
give  a  specific  sum  to  certain  individuals  to  carry  the 
mails  across  the  ocean,  instead  of  giving  the  service  to 
the  lowest  bidder,  as  is  done  every  where  else  ?  I  ad- 
mire the  magnanimity  of  my  colleague  in  going  for  New 
York,  and  I  hope  the  gentlemen  from  New  York  will 
go  for  our  mint ;  but  I  do  not  understand  his  argument. 
(Laughter.) 

Mr.  Chandler.  If  the  gentleman  will  sit  and  listen 
with  his  usual  attention,  and  exercise  his  usual  judg- 
ment, he  will  hear  how  I  answer  that  question.  It  i& 
very  pertinent,  and  one  which  naturally  suggests  itsel£. 


Mr.  Cliairman,  the  measure  now  Lefore  tlie  commit- 
tee, is  one  that  is  more  strongly  recommended  by  the 
New  Yorkers  than  Ly  any  other  chiss  of  citizens.  It 
proposes  assistance  to  an  enterprise  shich  i)urpoi'ts  ta 
be  of  New  York  origin,  and  New  York  investment. 

The  steamers  connected  therewith  were  built  at  New 
York,  are  registered  at  New  York,  they  arrive  at,  and 
depart  from,  New  York  jn  fulfillment  of  their  trans- 
atlantic mission,  and  they  bear  upon  their  ample  sterns 
the  name  of  the  commercial  emporium  of  the  State  of 
New  York. 

The  incessant  clamor  of  the  New  York  gentlemen 
around,  the  bar  of  this  House,  and  around  the  bars  of 
many  other  houses  of  this  city,  must  not,  however,  be 
cited  in  pi'oof  that  the  "  Collins  line  of  steamers  "  is  of 
New  Y^ork  concern  alone.  Nor  can  the  fact  that  these 
ocean  palaces  were  built  and  registered  in  that  city,  and 
that  they  depart  from  and  ariive  at  New  York,  be  ad- 
mitted as  any  proof  that  the  enterprise  which  has  given 
them  existence  and  sustained  them  thus  far,  even  with 
considerable  pecuniary  loss,  is  of  less  than  national  im- 
portance— less  indeed  than  national  direct  interest. 

These  vessels  must  be  built  somewhere,  and  they 
must  be  registered  somewdiere,  and  they  must,  by  the 
law  of  the  land,  have  upon  them  in  legible  characters, 
their  own  name  and  the  name  of  the  place  at  least  in 
which  they  are  registered,  and  they  must,  to  compete 
with  the  British  undertaking,  have  with  some  of  the 
British  steamers  running  between  England  and  the 
United  States,  a  common  port. 

New  York,  then,  w^as  preferred.  It  is,  for  such  an 
enterprise,  as  well  chosen  as  almost  any  other  would 
be — and  that  the  New  York  people  are  clamorous,  does 
not  prove  that  they  alone  are  interested,  but  only  that 
in  the  habit  of  constant  appeal  for  themselves,  they  but 


riT 


10 


i:: 


Indulge  that  ]i{il)it  when  they  make  prominent  their 
own  iiitorents  in  an  enterprise  wliicli,  by  investment, 
character,  and  results,  must  be  regarded  as  national., 
and  therefoi'e  asking  the  House  to  sustain  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Senate,  upon  grounds  entirely  distinct  from 
the  claims  to  ])atronage  in  individual  efforts  against 
another  or  rival  enterprise  of  one  city  more  than 
another. 

The  truth  is,  sir,  that  these  steamers  are  national  not 
more  by  their  conditional  dedication  to  the  public  ser- 
vice, than  by  their  universality  of  their  ownership. 
They  are  not  own  3d  alone  in  New  York.  Philadelphia 
capital  is  largely  invested  therein,  and  if  you  have  heard 
less  of  that  than  of  New  York  interest,  it  is  simply  be- 
cause Philadelphia  is  always  less  clamorous  than  New 
York  for  justice  to  her  interest. 

There  are  a  few  points  in  the  remarks  of  the  honor- 
able gentleman  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Breckinridge) 
which  struck  me  forcibly — as,  indeed,  what  does  that 
gentleman  say  upon  this  floor  that  does  not  deserve  and 
receive  attention.  The  honorable  gentleman,  in  his 
speech,  referred  to  the  contest  between  the  Cunard  and 
Collins  lines  as  an  antagonism  between  man  and  man, 
and  he  spoke  of  such  rivalry  as  "  the  rude  contest  of 
commerce."  The  honorable  gentleman  mistakes  the 
matter  entirely.  There  is  no  contest  between  man  and 
man.  If  there  were,  or  if  between  company  and  com- 
pany, I  should  say,  "  stand  aside,  fair  play,  and  no  fa- 
vor." I  will  never  ask  odds  for  an  American  a2:ainsi 
any  other  man,  nor  ask  odds  for  an  American  comprtiiy 
against  a  British  company.  But  when  an  Englishman 
comes  into  our  very  ports,  and,  under  the  noses  of  our 
merchants,  sits  down  and  plans  his  voyage  to  take  our 
commerce,  and  throws  into  our  faces  the  Treasury  of 
the  British  Crown,  I  say  we  have  but  one  alternative — 


11 

either  to  relinquish  all  contest,  or  to  nwikc  that  contest 
equal  }>y  hacking  the  American  ship  against  the  Brit- 
ish-backed concern.  The  affair,  sir,  is  not  tlie  rude 
contest  of  commerce — it  is  the  ai'ti'ul  entoi-pris(>  of  a 
nation,  that,  having  eaten  the  life  out  of  India,  Ireland, 
and  Portugal,  comes  now  with  vamj)ire  a])pf'tit(^  to  fas- 
ten nj)on  our  limbs  and  glut  itself  u])on  the  life-blood 
of  our  commerce. 

The  appeal  of  the  honorable  gentleman  to  the  Demo- 
crats of  this  House,  against  the  provisions  of  the 
amendment  under  consideration,  Avas  most  p:iinful  to 
my  ears.  Has  party  discipline  been  made  so  efficicmt 
that  it  may  be  invoked  against  the  experiment  wliich 
we  are  trying  of  ocean  steam  navigation  ?  And  is  it  to 
be  a  part  of  the  principles  of  the  progressive  i)arty  that 
it  is  to  check  the  growing  enterprise  of  our  countiy  ? 
Is  Democracy  destructive?  I  k'^ow  a  portion  of  it  is  ; 
but  is  the  Democracy  in  wliich  that  gentlemen  shares, 
of  the  iconoclastic  kind  that  destroys  the  images  of  all 
that  is  great  in  commercial  enterprise,  and  all  that  is 
brilliant  in  mercantile  possession  ?  When  honoralde 
gentlemen  are  thinking  about  Avithdrawing  the  pu1)lic 
patronage  from  the  trans-atlantic  steamers,  let  them 
pause  and  think  what  are  the  destinies  of  that  net-Avork 
of  steamers  Avith  which  Great  Britain  overlaAs  the  crreat 
oceans.  Does  he  not  see  that  at  this  moment  tli;'.t  far- 
reaching  and  over-reaching  Power  is  appointing  steam- 
ers to  reach  her  Eastern  possessions  by  the  Avay  of  the 
Isthmus  of  Darien,  and  that  she  feels  that,  Avith  the 
decay  of  her  commerce  in  the  Indies  is  the  Aveakening 
of  her  grasp  on  the  ti'ident  of  the  ocean  'i  Does  the 
honorable  gentleman  forget  the  great  political  truth, 
that  the  Power  which  commands  the  commerce  of  the 
East,  commands  the  ocean,  is  the  mistress  of  the  sea, 
and  therefore,  the  arbitrator  if  not  the  ruler  of  the 


r 


[- 


!'i 


■;! 


I 


I 


I  !  ',  !| 


12 

world  ?  England  sees  tliis,  and,  awakening  to  the  truth 
at  the  time  Avhen  her  own  domination  seemed  to  wane, 
she  seizes  upon  ocean  steam,  and  quickens  individual 
enterprise  hy  national  patronage  till  she  can  reassert 
her  suj)remacy  and  reconstitute  herself  as  the  law-giver 
of  trade  ;  and  the  honorable  gentleman  appeals  to  the 
Democracy  of  the  country  to  allow  Great  Britain  to 
reassurno  her  dominant  position.  Nay,  sir,  he  turned 
to  the  Whigs  with  an  imploring,  half-hoping  appeal. 
I,  sir,  turn  to  no  party,  no  section ;  I  lay  the  case  be- 
fore this  committee  as  before  American  Representatives, 
representing  Americans,  and  I  shall  prosecute  my  argu- 
ment upon  the  broad  ground  of  national  good  ;  and  if 
any  member  of  this  committee  points  me  to  a  plank  in 
any  platform  whatsoever,  I  2)oint  him,  sir,  to  the  ark  of 
our  national  covenant,  and  tell  him  to  leave  those  per- 
ishable materials,  and  their  petty,  temporary  offices, 
and  to  stand  by  the  country,  its  Constitution,  and  its 
means  of  true  indeper- dence. 

Reference  is  made  to  the  terms  offered  by  other  com- 
panies to  carry  the  mails  betAveen  New  York  and  other 
ports  of  this  country.  Of  that  I  have  very  little  to 
say.  If  the  United  States  has  made  a  contract  with 
steamboat  proprietors  xo  carry  the  mail,  where  there 
exists  only  individual  competition,  as  with  the  Califor- 
nia lines,  that  contract  must  be  fulfilled  in  letter  and 
in  spirit ;  not  one  jot  or  tittle  must  fiiil  on  the  part  of 
the  Government ;  the  faith  and  honor*  of  a  republic 
must  be  kept  as  sacred  and  as  immactdate  as  those  of 
a  monarch.  And  we  must  even  make  some  allowances 
for  short-comings  in  the  contractors.  Though  in  all 
their  home  contmcts,  let  it  be  remembered,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, the  Government  patronage  is  interposed  between 
rival  American  concerns ;  or  if,  when  hijst  exercised, 
only  one  claimant  is  presented,  it  is  certain  that  now 


'm* 


13 

rival  cities,  as  well  as  rival  mercliants,  ask  to  share  the 
favor,  or  failing  in  that,  ask  that  their  enterprise  may 
not  be  weakened  by  the  partiality  of  the  National 
Government  to  a  favored  company  or  a  favored  city. 

But  even  in  these  rival  claims,  Mr.  Chairman,  you 
find  the  benefit  of  primary  protection;  the  road  is 
open,  the  enterprise  is  found  practicable,  and  the  Gov* 
ernment,  a  kind  mother,  has  nursed,  and  encouraged, 
and  esta])lished  a  trade  which  now  invites  and  rewards 
competition ;  and  so  soon  as  the  expiration  or  violation 
of  contract  will  warrant  the  step,  let  the  field  of  do- 
mestic enterprise  be  thrown  open  to  domestic  com- 
petition. But,  sir,  what  is  done  in,  and  for  these 
lines,  is  not  for  us  now  to  define  or  to  defend.  It  is 
with  CoLLiNs's  LINE  alouc  that  we  are  conce^  ned ;  and 
I  repeat  it,  sir,  it  is  with  that  line  as  opposed  to  and 
opposed  by  the-  Cunard  line,  sustained  by  British  gov- 
ei'nmental  patronage,  in  our  own  waters,  and  waging  a 
warfare  upon  American  enterprise,  even  in  the  markets 
of  the  continent  of  Europe,  underbidding  for  freight, 
when  Collins's  ships  are  there,  and  underrating  the 
American  means  when  they  are  absent. 

This  is  all  true,  Mr.  Chairman,  but  it  is  not  all  the 
truth.  When  the  American  steamer  is  to  depart  on 
tho  same  day  with  the  British,  the  sea-coast  of  the  con- 
tinent is  secured  with  steam  tugs  to  bring  freight  to  the 
British  boats.  From  Havre  to  Livei'pool ;  from  Ant- 
werp, Bremer-Haven,  Hamburg,  and  other  ports  along 
and  down  the  coast,  bringing  it,  sir,  free  of  freight 
when  tlie  American  steamer  is  to  depart,  l>ut  making 
a  high  charge  for  those  freights  when  the  United  States 
interpose  no  competition.  It  is  thus  that  the  British 
Government  provides  for  the  commerce  of  that  coun- 
try ;  it  is  thus  that  she  fosters  and  protects  her  trade ; 
it  is  thus  that  she  has  placed  herself  in  the  position  she 


14 


now  occupies ;  and  it  is  thus  that  she  will  maintain 
and  elexate  that  position  against  the  United  States, 
if  we  neglect  the  means  presented  to  place  ourselves 
in  the  commanding  position  which  all  circumstances, 
but  our  want  of  liberality  present. 

In  the  first  six  years  under  Cunard  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain  received  for  postage  alone  seven  mil- 
lions eight  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred dollars,  ($7,830,800,)  and  they  paid  in  that  time  to 
Cunard  J^2,550,000  ;  thus  realizing  a  net  revenue  to  the 
Government  of  $5,286,000. 

Now  the  Cunard  steamers  crossed  the  Atlantic 
eighty-four  times,  and  Collins's  only  forty ;  of  course, 
the  British  steamers  carried  double  the  number  of 
mails,  and  received  a  much  greater  excess  of  postage. 
And,  I  may  add,  that  the  British  Government,  in  the 
Post  Office  Department,  took  pains  to  secure  to  the 
Cunard  steamers  all  the  advantages  possible,  refusing 
to  send  any  letters  by  the  Collins  steamers  unless  the 
letter  should  be  specially  marked  for  one  of  these 
steamers  by  name,  even  though  the  Cunard  steamer 
was  to  leave  Liverpool  first.  The  difference  between 
the  number  of  trips  of  the  two  lines  wdll  not  be  so  great 
if  this  amendment  should  pass.  In  that  event,  which  I 
confidently  predict,  the  Cunard  line  will  draw  off  three 
of  their  steamers,  and  thus  divide  the  labor  and  the 
profits. 

I  did  not  design,  sir,  to  refer  to  that  part  of  the  im- 
derstanding  between  the  contracting  parties,  which  re- 
gards these  .steamers  as  resorts  of  our  Navy  Depart- 
ment in  case  of  war,  but  the  honorable  gentleman  from 
Kentucky  has  chosen  to  refer  thereto,  and  to  express 
a  doubt  whether  they  are  suited  for  that  purpose,  and 
to  deny  that  any  sum  less  than  $100,000  w^ill  render 
them  fit.    Sir,  the  steamers  of  the  Collins  line  are  bet- 


II 


mmm 


v# 


15 


ter,  stronger,  more  nearly  approacliiiig  tlie  war  stand- 
ard than  tlie  contract  required,  and  when  tliey  passed 
from  the  builder's  hands,  they  were  pronounced  by  the 
proper  officers  fit  for  war  service,  of  course,  with  such 
additions  and  alterations  in  various  ways  as  about 
$20,000  would  supply.  The  argument  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky  is  against  the  sufficiency  of  these 
steamers  as  war  vessels.  As  batteries,  sir,  they  ma}' 
not  be  equal  to  some  others,  but  there  are  many  uses 
for  steamers  in  war,  to  which  these  vessels  may  be  ap- 
plied ;  for  which  they  are  adapted  beyond  all  others. 
Capacity  to  carry  troops,  and  speed  to  overtake  an 
enemy,  or  to  escape  from  superior  force.  I  need  not 
argue  this,  sir ;  it  is  evident,  that  in  any  war  in  which 
our  country  may  be  engaged,  she  will  have  need  of  just 
such  vessels  as  these;  and  very  recently  Great  Britain  has 
made  use  of  her  right  to  some  of  the  ocean  mercantile 
steamers  of  the  character  of  those  of  the  Collins  line, 
to  convey  her  troops  and  otherwise  to  assist  in  an  ex- 
pedition against  Rangoon.  The  slow,  lumbering  pro- 
cess of  other  times  will  not  now  avail.  Celerity  is  as 
important  as  numbers ;  indeed,  it  supplies  the  place  of 
numbers,  and  the  power  that  can  present  and  remove 
its  forces  the  soonest,  has  the  victory,  and  hereafter  our 
own  harbors  and  sea-ports  must,  in  time  of  war,  look  to 
railroads  to  convey  troops  for  their  defence,  and  to 
steamships  and  locomotive  batteries  to  defend  the  point 
assailed. 

One  other  view  must  be  taken  of  this  question  of 
war  steamers.  If  the  time  should  ever  arrive  (and  we 
see  that  it  has  arrived  in  Great  Britain)  when  any  of 
these  steamers  should  be  needed  for  war  purposes  by 
our  Government,  it  will  be  for  that  Government  then 
to  decide  how  much  cheaper  they  will  be  supplied  to 
her  than  could  be  those  which  she  could  build.     Un- 


u 


i 
I 


IbrtiiTiately,  it  is  with  Government  war  vessels  as  it  is 
w^ith  horses— the  cost  of  keeping  them  a  short  time  far 
-exceeds  the  cost  of  purchase.  And  while  these  Collins 
steamers  may  be  placed  in  active  service  in  a  few  days, 
and  at  an  expense  of  $20,000  a  piece,  it  would  cost  ten 
times  $20,000  for  the  Government  to  keep  them  six 
months  waiting  for  the  demands  of  war.  I  repeat  it, 
sir,  if  the  Collins  steamers  were  in  the  service  for  the 
Government,  (now  awaiting  war  vessels,)  they  would 
cost  $2,000,000  a  year;  and  if  in  the  navy  yard,  they 
would  cost  §500,000  a  year. 

And  now,  sir,  in  support  of  my  assertion,  allow  me 
to  present  a  copy  of  a  statement  from  Francis  Grice, 
one  of  the  most  accomplished  naval  constructors  of  the 
•country : 

"  UwiTED  States  Navy  Yahd, 

"PuiLADELPHiA,  April  14,  1853. 

'•Sir:  In  answer  to  yours  of  the  13th,  I  have  to  state,  as  chief  naval  construc- 
tor, the  specifications  for  building  the  Collins  line  of  steamers  were  submitted  to 
me,  and  approved,  as  in  acci)rdance  with  the  act  of  3d  of  March,  1847. 

•*  They  can  be  converted  into  war  steamers  to  carry  a  battery  equal  to  our  largest 
steam  frigates,  in  a  short  time,  and  the  necessiiry  alterations  to  be  made  to  receive 
^uch  a  battery  will  not  exceed  a  cost  of  §20,000  each. 

*'  I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

•TKANCIS  GRICE, 
«*  To  the  Hon.  Wm.  M.  Gwix, 

"  Uiiiltd  Stales  Senate^   Washington." 

Commodore  Perry  (good  authority)  thus  addresses 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  under  date  of  February  18, 
1852,  relative  to  the  Collins  line : 

'«  According  to  my  ralcula(ion«,  the  cost  of  the  conversion  of  either  the  before- 
mentioned  vessels,  exclusive  of  armaments,  repair  of  machinery,  cStc,  would  not,  or 
"Certainly  ou^ht  not  to  cost  for  each  steamer  over  $?0,000;  and  it  could  readily  be 
tlone  for  this  at  any  of  our  navy  yards.  With  respect  to  the  description  and  weight 
of  their  respective  armaments,  I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  the  iirst  class  steam- 
cs  already  named  could  easily  carry  four  10-inch  Paixhan  guns  on  pivots — two 
forward  and  two  aft — of  the  weight  of  those  in  the  Mississippi,  and  ten  8  inch  Paix- 
han guns  on  the  sides;  and  this  armament  would  not  incommode  the  vessels,  and 
the  weight  less  than  the  ice,  which  is  usually  forty  tons,  and  stowed  away  in  one 


/ 


17 

Commodore  Perry  continues,  that — 

*'In  the  general  operations  of  a  maritime  war,  they  could  render  good  service, 
and  especially  would  they  be  useful  from  their  great  speed  as  despatch  vessels,  and 
for  the  transportation  of  troops,  always  capable  of  attack  and  defence,  and  of  over- 
hauling or  escaping  from  an  enemy. 

'*The  Atlantic,  Pacific,  Baltic,  and  Arctic  have  all  been  built,  inspected,  and 
received  by  the  Navy  Department." 

The  fact  that  the  calculations  of  the  owners  of  the 
Collins  line  were  incorrect  is  cited  here  asrainst  their 
requests  for  additional  aid,  as  if  mistakes  of  this  kind 
were  not  incident  to  such  a  concern  far  more  likely  to 
occur  against  themselves  than  against  the  Government, 
because  of  the  earnestness  of  the  company  to  connect 
themselves  with  the  Government.  But  mistakes  of  this 
kind  are  not  unusual.  In  183G  Great  Britain  received 
proposals  to  carry  these  trans-atlantic  mails.  But  in 
the  attempt  to  fulfd  the  contract  Cunard's  company 
broke  down.  It  is  the  first  step  which  costs,  Mr.  Chair- 
man. In  1839  Cunard  took  the  contract  for  £85,000 
per  annum.  The  next  year  it  was  found  necesary  to 
increase  the  payment  to  J6l  10,000  per  annum.  And 
with  the  compensation  of  $550,000  a  year  Cunard  failed 
and  went  into  bankruptcy.  The  Government  of  Great 
Britain  then  increased  the  compensation  to  £145,000 
per  annum  ;  which  sum  was  continued  until  5th  April, 
1852,  when,  in  conseque^ice  of  the  increase  in  the  size 
of  the  steamers — I  call  the  attention  of  the  committee 
to  that  fact — the  Government  gave  about  £171,000,  or 
more  than  $855,000  per  annum. 

The  size  of  the  ships  was  deemed  of  consequence  to 
the  British  Government,  and  it  is  worth  taking  into  con- 
sideration here. 

Cunard's  line  has  seven  steamers,  with  an  aggregate 
tonnage  of  12,282,  making  eighty-five  trips  a  year,  or 
the  working  of  145,750  tons,  for  which  the  exact  pay- 
ment is  $856,871,  or  $5  75  per  ton. 


18 


Ml 


Collins'8  line  has  four  steamers,  with  an  aggregate 
tonnage  of  LS,702,  and  under  present  contract  crossing 
the  Atkmtic  fifty-two  times  a  yc.r,  and  thus  takes 
across  the  Athmtic  ,-^0,000  tons  more  than  Cnnard,  with 
his  seven  ships ;  for  which  service  Collins  will  receive, 
if  the  amendment  l)efore  us  should  pass,  the  sum  of 
$858,000,  or  $4  82  a  ton,  being  less,  hy  twenty  per 
cent.,  than  the  amount  j)aid  by  Great  Britain  to  Cunard.* 


•The  line  of  ocean  mail  steamers,  usually  called  the  Collins  liae,  has  been  in 
operation  since  the  month  of  April,  1S5(»,  or  about  two  years;  the  ships  had  made^ 
previously  to  January  last,  forty-two  trips  from  New  York  to  Liverpool,  and  forty 
from  Liverpool  to  New  York.  The  contract  for  the  transportation  of  the  United 
States  mail  between  the  places  above  named  was  made  on  the  1st  day  of  November, 
1847,  the  law  whic'j  authorizes  it  having  been  passed  on  the  3d  of  March  preceding: 

The  line  consists  of  the  following  vessels,  viz: 

The  Atlantic.  ..  .2,845  6G-95ths  tons  burden.  ..  .commenced  April,  1850 

The  Pacific 2,707  10-95lhs do do May,  1850 

The  Arctic 2,8.'i6  75  95ths do do October,       1850 

The  Baltic 2,723     9-95tha do do Novemlier,  1850 

These  ships  cost,  when  ready  for  sea,  in  cash,  §2,944,143  7fi,  or  an  average  of 
$736,035  67  each. 

They  have  made  forty-one  voyages  between  New  York  and  Liverpool,  at  an 
average  expense  of  $65,2 1 2  64  per  voyage,  making,  in  all,  the  sum  of  $2, 673,841  24, 
which,  when  added  to  ihe  cost  of  the  ships,  say  52,941,143  76,  makes  the  entire 
amount  of  money  expended  $5,617,984. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  average  receipts  of  the  company,  per  voyage,  have  been, 
as  stated,  $48,286  85,  or  in  all,  $1,979,760  85— amounndvanced,  $208,000— 
and  am  unt  paid  for  two  years  mail  service,  $770,000,  making  the  total  receipts 
from  all  sources,  $2,957,760  85. 

If  the  amount  of  receipts,  as  above,  be  deducted  from  the  amount  of  e..pcndi  jreS, 
say  $5,617,934,  the  balance  against  the  concern  will  be  $2,660,223  l.'i,  and  if  the 
original  capital  subscribed  be  dedicted,  to  wit:  $1,133,000,  there  will  remain  an 
outstanding  deficiency  of  $1,528,223  15,  to  be  met  by  the  present  value  of  their 
ships. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  company  has  paid  to  the  governtncnt  two  annual  instal- 
ments upon  the  $385,000  advanced,  which,  at  tun  per  cent,  annually,  upon  the 
sum  loaned,  amount  to  $77,000,  reducing  the  balance  on  its  de!)t  to  the  govern- 
ment to  $308,000,  which  is  in  the  course  of  being  paid  at  the  rale  above  named, 
and  will  have  been  cancelled  f;ntirely  in  eight  years  from  this  time,  the  ships  being 
held  as  security  until  the  whole  debt  shall  have  been  paid. 

The  whole  amount  earned  by  this  line,  in  letter  postage,  up  to  the  1st  of  March 
Ust,  has  been  $373,337  80,  which  sum  is  taken  as  the  fair  basis  of  calculation,  as 
the  three  twenty-fourths  due  to  the  British  government  has  been  met,  by  as  large 


10 

By  his  first  contract,  Collins  was  to  make  forty  voy- 
ages. And  on  the  l^th  of  last  November  tlie  whole 
number  of  voyages  was  completed,  and  nothing  remain- 
ed to  be  done  until  tlie  1st  of  May,  1852.  The  Post- 
master General  then  wrote  to  Mr.  Collins  directing  him 
to  make  six  more  round  trips,  for  which  he  should  re- 


or  a  larger  sum  due  from  that  government  for  the  five  twenty  fourths  payable  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  upon  the  earnings  of  the  Cunard  line,  under 
the  postal  treaty  between  the  two  countries.  Taking,  then,  the  gross  amount  of 
receipts  from  letter  postage,  say  S-^73,337  80,  and  adding  to  it  $3,200,  for  postage 
for  the  State  Department^  $90, 151  58  for  cbsed  mails  for  the  continent,  carried  by 
this  line,  and  $46,858  88  postage  for  newspapers,  the  aggregate  earnings  for  the 
government  by  this  line,  will  have  been  $513,546  80. 

The  government  has  paid  to  the  line  for  mail  service,  in  the  two  years  $770,000 
and  has  receivi'd  from  the  line  $513,546  80.  If  the  receipts  bo  deducted  from  the 
outlay,  the  balance  again^  the  government  is  $256,433  20,  for  the  whole  time,  or 
$128,226  60  per  annum. 

Thus  it  appears,  that  from  a  fair  statement  of  the  account  current  between  the 
line  and  the  government,  the  latter  is  out  of  pocket  at  the  end  of  the  two  first  years 
of  the  undertaking  and  under  circumstances  the  most  disadvantageous  to  the  line, 
$256,453  20,  or  in  other  words,  has  paid  $128,226  60  per  annum,  for  carrying 
the  ocean  mail  by  steam  over  about  six  thousand  miles  of  the  greate.-^t  commercial 
thoroughfare  in  the  world,  for  which,  as  yet,  it  has  received  nothing  in  return.  But 
your  committee  would  ask,  what  has  the  cowilri/  received  in  return  for  this 
$256,453  20?  They  will  furnish  the  answer.  The  country  has  received  through 
the  proprietors  rf  this  line,  in  the  form  of  freights  and  passage  money,  a  no  less 
amount  than  $1,979,760  85,  in  cash;  and,  if  the  reduction  in  the  prices  of  freight 
formerly  paid  to  the  British  line  be  taken  into  account,  nearly  as  much  more,  by 
saving  the  difference  in  freights  and  passage  money,  to  aay  nothing  of  the  general 
advantages  derived  by  all  of  our  producing  interests  from  the  existence  of  this 
American  line,  which,  as  your  committee  believe,  are  incalculable.  The  money 
account  will  then  stand  as  follows:  government  debtor  to  $256,453  80;  country 
creditor  to  $1,979,760  85,  in  cash;  and  if  the  former  be  deducted  from  the  latter 
the  balance  in  favor  of  the  country  will  stand  $1,723,307  Oi,  in  cash  ahrte,  leav- 
ing out  of  view  the  duties  on  increased  importations  caused  by  the  establishment  of 
the  American  line. 

It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  result  has  been  produced  under  the  most  disad- 
vantageous circumstances  possible.  When  the  Collins  line,  consisting  of  but /our 
steamers,  was  commenced,  the  Cunard  line,  consisting  of  */a;  of  the  finest  steamer* 
in  the  world,  and  backed  by  the  government  and  whole  commercial  influence  of 
Great  Britain,  had  been  in  existence  for  several  years  and  enjoyed  a  monop(dy  of 
the  steam  postage  and  freight,  between  the  United  States  and  Europe.  To  succeed 
in  competing  with  such  a  rival,  it  was  necessary  to  present  something  in  the  way 
of  ocean  steam  navigation,  which  should  surpass  anything  that  had  previously  ex- 


20 


i 


ceivc  a  pro  rata  compensation ;  and  tlie  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  concurred  in  the  plan ;  and  thus  the  Collins 
line  on  the  1st  of  May  had  completed  the  trips. 

"  But  why,"  it  is  asked  by  the  honorable  gentleman, 
"  why  not  accept  the  proposition  of  the  new  company 
to  run  between  St.  John's  and  Galway  ?" 

"When  that  company  shall  have  been  established  and 
proved  itself  competent  to  the  fulfilment  of  its  high 
promises,  then  will  be  the  time  to  relinquii'h  another 


\m 


f  1 


m 


I 


W 


isted,  and  secure  the  patronage  of  the  commercial  and  travelling  public,  by  its 
decided  superiority  on  the  score  of  speed,  safety,  and  accommodation.  This  has 
been  done  by  the  Collins  line  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner.  The  superior  swift* 
ness  of  its  ships  has  been  amply  ascertained;  their  safety  has  been  tested  in  the 
severest  manner,  and  the  results  have  shown  that  stronger  ships  cannot  be  built, 
while  on  the  score  of  elegance  and  comfort  of  accommodation,  even  the  British  pub- 
lic press,  one-sided  as  it  is  known  usually  to  be,  in  matters  connected  with  national 
superiority,  has  frankly  admitted,  that,  whatever  might  be  said  as  to  strength  and 
power,  in  point  of  elegance  and  convenience,  the  American  ships  are  at  least  ten 
years  in  advance  of  the  British.  Unfortunately  for  the  projectors  and  performers 
of  this  great  national  undertaking,  experience  has  shown  that,  with  a  communica- 
tion only  twice  a  month,  and  four  ships  to  contend  with  six,  backed  as  they  were 
bt/  the  British  Govenrment  and  commercial  patronage,  which  gave  a  direction  in 
their  favor  to  all  the  freights,  postages,  and  other  incidents  of  a  commerce  by  far 
the  greater  portion  of  which  is  essentially  British,  this  company  has,  as  yet,  re- 
ceived no  adequate  reward  for  its  efforts.  In  this,  however,  no  blame  can  possibly 
attach  to  the  proprietors  of  the  line,  who  have  been  the  only  sufferers,  and  who  are, 
in  the  opinion  of  your  committee,  entitled  to  the  lasting  gratitude  of  their  country. 
If  their  expenses  have  been  enormous,  it  has  not  been  for  their  own  personal  bene- 
fit; for,  while  they  are  losers  to  a  vast  amount,  the  country  has  been  the  gainer  in 
everyway.  The  governnent  is  virtually  in  possession  of  four  of  the  finest  and 
fleetest  ocean  steamers  afloat,  capable  of  being  converted,  in  the  course  of  a  fevr 
days,  into  war-steamers  of  the  fir^t  class,  carrying  heavy  batteries,  and  that,  too,  at 
a  trifling  expense.  These  steamers  are  being  kept  in  commission,  to  all  useful  in- 
tents and  purposes,  for  the  insignificant  sum  of  $128,226  60  a  year,  the  cost  of 
transporting  the  mail  being  the  only  outlay;  when,  if  they  formed  a  part  of  the 
navy  proper,  their  expenses  would  have  been,  as  estimated,  no  less  than  $2,000,000 
a  year,  if  in  active  service,  and  over  $500,000  a  year,  if  in  the  navy  yards  ready 
for  service.  Nor  is  this  all.  These  very  same  ships,  which  have  for  the  first  two 
years  of  their  mail-service  cost  the  government  only  $128,226  60  a  year,  will  in 
all  probability  very  soon  not  only  pay  their  way,  biU  return  a  large  surplus  revenue 
in  the  form  of  postages,  the  increase  of  income  from  this  source,  in  1851,  over  that 
of  the  preceding  year,  1850,  having  been,  as  your  committee  are  informed  by  the 
Postmaster  General,  $183,734  05. 


y 


21 

to  go  to  that.  Who  shall  say  that  the  Galway  enter- 
prise will  not  prove  more  disastrous  than  the  Collins 
line  threatens  to  be  ?  And  then,  after  yielding  up  one 
glorious  scheme,  one  real,  national  means  of  contest,  we 
shall  have  either  to  npply  additional  funds,  or  to  yield 
again  to  British  supei'iority.  Nay,  Mr.  Cliairman,  are 
you  satisfied,  is  the  honorable  gentleman  Avho  pro- 
pounded the  question,  "  Why  not  accept  the  Galway 
proposition  ?"  is  he  satisfied  that  that  is  l)etter  than  the 
route  and  line  now  used?  I  am  not.  The  Commis- 
sioners of  the  British  Admiralty  are  not.  Those  sharp- 
seeing  officers  discover  at  the  month  of  the  Galway 
harbor  a  number  of  low  rocks,  call  "  bull  heads,"  that 
render  it  most  dangerous  to  approach  that  place  with  a 
westerly  wind.  And  with  such  dangerous  objects  to 
guard  tJiM  coast,  they  recommend  Cape  Clear  and  the 
harbor  of  Cork  as  more  easily  accessible  under  ?dl  cir- 
<5umstances.  I  do  not  wish  to  see  Brother  Jonathan 
beat  his  brains  out  against  those  bull  heads.  I  leave 
to  the  honorable  gentleman  who  propounds  the  ques- 
tion the  duty  and  labor  of  deciding  how  we  are  to 
manage  between  St.  John's  and  Halifax,  and  between 
Halifax  and  the  United  States.  There  is  nothing  yet 
in  the  Galway  proposition  to  divert  this  country  from 
the  existing  route,  which  is  practicable,  and  on  which 
we  can  beat  the  British.  "  The  cheaper  offer  of  Gal- 
way," says  the  gentleman.  Sir,  we  have  had  enough  of 
<jheap  contracts. 

And  here,  too,  it  may  be  proper  to  state,  that  the 
difficulty  between  the  Government  and  the  Collins 
Company,  if,  indeed,  it  may  not  be  more  appropriate  to 
say,  the  difficulty  of  the  Collins  Company  with  the 
Government,  comes  from  an  attempt  to  fix  a  price  for 
a  service  before  the  cost  of  performing  it  is  fully  com- 
prehended ;  and  hence,  it  may  be  deemed  improper,  as 


»»w*w^Tfsf«Tir 


23 


{■Wi- 


lt would  certainly  be  iinpriulent,  to  accept  new  propo- 
sals by  a  new  and,  as  yet,  imestablislied  company,  when 
we  are  made  sensible  of  the  inconveniences  of  the  be- 
ginning of  such  lal)ors.  Let  us  also,  Avhile  we  are  con- 
veying the  mail,  boar  in  mind  that  we  are  sustaining 
the  Navy.  And  though  the  former  office,  considering 
the  advantage  which  Great  Britain  has  over  ns  in  her 
liberality  to  the  Cunarders — which,  indeed,  is  only  en- 
larged selfishness — is  costly  yet  beyond  the  outlay,  yet 
the  latter  is  affected  to  a  great  extent  at  a  saving  of 
twice  the  balance  against  the  postage  account. 

Mr.  Cliairman,  I  i-egret  as  much  as  any  one  the  ne- 
cessity which  drives  this  company  hither,  and  forces  us 
upon  our  national  pride ;  and  I  regret  it  so  much,  that 
I  desire  to  have  no  repetition  of  the  appeal.  Let  us  do 
the  work  well  now,  and  secure  the  triumph  while  we 
can,  and  while  it  wdll  be  a  profit  as  well  as  a  victory. 

In  referring  to  the  amount  appropriated  to  enable 
these  Collins  steamers  to  carry  the  mails,  we  must  not 
forget  to  deduct  therefrom  the  amount  received  for 
postage;  and  still  further  we  must  consider  the  fact, 
most  important  in  its  bearing  upon  the  view  which  I 
would  have  you  take  of  the  question,  viz:  that  the  dif- 
ference of  appropriation  and  receipts  is  annually  di- 
minishing, and  ere  long,  it  is  evident  the  investment 
w^e  make  will  become  one  of  profit  to  the  nation ;  pe- 
cuniarily so,  as  well  as  in  other  ways. 

The  protection  which  you  have  given,  and  which  we 
now  ask  Congress  to  increase,  operates  as  almost  all 
other  protection  which  Congress  has  extended  to  home 
industry  and  home  capital ;  it  daily  reduces  the  cost  of 
the  work,  and  thus  enables  the  people  of  this  country 
to  be  more  and  more  independent  of  the  Government 
and  people  of  the  Old  World.  And  I  have  no  hesi- 
tancy in  saying,  that  while  I  expect  that  many  honor- 


.imr  ■/"<PWP»vnRijin!niiuijiiPipwi"ijwTPfwi 


23 


able  nif^mbei's  of  the  House  will  vote  for  tlii^  amend- 
ment upon  grounds  different  from  those  which  I  assume, 
and  will  Siitisfy  themselves  and  others  with  a  coui's(»  of 
argument  different  from  that  which  I  adopt,  vet  I  re- 
gard the  s])irit  in  which  this  amendment  is  ])r('scnted, 
as  of  that  true  character  Avhich  seeks  to  inter])()se  the 
shield  of  go vei'n mental  protection  between  the  efforts 
and  schemes  of  the  peoj)le  of  this  country,  and  the  plans 
sustained  by  the  institutions  and  governmental  patron- 
age of  foi'eign  counti'ies ;  and  I  shall  vote  for  this 
amendment  with  the  same  cheerfulness,  if  not  u])on  the 
same  grounds  with  which  I  shall,  if  I  have  an  op])ortu- 
nity,  vote  to  give  the  protection  to  home  industry,  in 
addition  to  that  now  enjoyed  by  the  taritf  of  l84i>. 

Sir,  I  go  for  my  country  in  all  that  goes  for  her  honor, 
her  comfort,  her  prosperity,  her  independence;  and 
whether  a  ten  cent  pocket  handkerchief,  or  a  half  a 
million  of  dollars  steamer  be  the  point,  upon  which  the 
question  of  Great  Britain  or  the  United  States  may 
turn,  I  2^0  for  the  United  States  ac^ainst  the  World. 

I  desire,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  divest  this  proposition  of 
eveiy  aj)pearance  of  monopoly  Avdiich  has  heen  charged 
upon  it,  and  to  protect  it  in  the  enlarged  view  of  a  na- 
tional enterprise  to  which  it  is  entitled.  The  amount 
asked  foi",  if  given,  is  not  to  sustain  the  Collins  company 
against  any  other  company,  nor  one  American  interest 
against  another.  I  have  shown  that.  I  a])peal,  and 
shall  appeal,  to  national  pride,  which  is  certainly  con- 
cerned in  the  maintenance  of  the  Collins  line  ao^ainst 

CD 

the  Cunard  line.  I  appeal  to  general  cupidity,  which 
may  have  a  gratification  in  the  varied  rate  of  freight 
consequent  on  the  establishment  of  the  Collins  line, 
making  an  aggregate  saving  of  five  times  the  extra 
amount  of  support  solicited.  I  appeal  to  the  principle 
of  national  economy — and  it  must  be  pleased  at  a  pros- 


S4 


f 


M 


pect  which  supplies  the  country  with  war  steamers  of 
the  kind,  most  to  be  nee(le(],  and  when  needed,  at  a 
cost  wliich  involves  only  the  building,  and  not  the 
maintenance  of  the  ships.  I  appeal  directly,  plainly, 
openly,  to  that  American  feeling  which  manifests  its 
gratification  at  every  result  wliich  exhibits  American 
superiority,  from  the  reaping  machine  at  the  Chrystal 
Palace,  to  the  oc(\au  palac(^s  of  Collins's  line. 

Notwithstanding  tlie  kind  of  objection  to  the  i>lan 
which  this  amendment  is  intended  to  support,  I  imagine 
that  there  are  in  this  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
American  people,  not  many  who  really  think  that  it  is 
no  consecpience  whether  Great  Britain  or  the  United 
States  convey  the  mails  across  the  Atlantic.  Some- 
times these  abstract  views  have  a  spei'ious  bearing,  and 
obtain  a  momentary  triumi)li.  But  the  American  citi- 
zen who  can  deliberately  sit  down  in  the  conviction 
that  if  the  mails  are  conveyed  as  rapidly,  it  is  of  no  con- 
sequence to  him  who  conveys  them — is  I'ipe  for  the  con- 
clusion, that  if  he  is  personally  safe  under  the  Govern- 
ment, it  is  of  no  couse(|uence  whether  our  own  people 
or  the  Governments  of  Europe  supply  its  rulers. 

The  distance  between  su|)plying  our  steam  convey- 
ances and  furnishing  our  rulers,  is  undoubtedly  very 
great;  but  in  a  philosophic  view,  Mr.  Chairman,  not 
greater  than  that  between  the  seed  time  and  the  har- 
vest. Let  any  nation  commence  furnishing  another 
with  the  conveniences,  and  she  soon  acquires  a  monopoly 
of  the  necessaries  of  life ;  and  he  must  be  blind  that 
does  not  see  the  intimate  relations  which  exist  between 
the  failure  of  our  people  to  meet  the  first  great  step  of 
England  to  monopolize  our  ocean  commerce,  and  their 
yielding  all  to  the  superior  backing  which  individual 
British  efforts  receive  from  the  British  Government. 

Step  by  step  that  great,  that  artful  and  specious 


/' 


25 

Govornmont  is»  gaining  upon  our  country.  Port  after 
port  is  oponod  to  hor  trade.  Manufacture  after  nmnu- 
fiicture  is  yielding  to  lier  demands;  and  wliile  this  is 
going  o'l,  and  slie  has  New  York  and  Boston  as  tlie 
depots  of  her  shi})j)ing  that  carries  tlie  Aniei'icnn  mail, 
she  is  demanding  reciprocal  trade  with  Canada,  and  is 
thrusting  her  fingers  wherever  else  an  opening  seems 
to  suggest  the  success  of  athlitional  efforts.  I  desire, 
Mr.  Chairman,  when  she  thrusts  her  finiifers  tluiS  into 
the  American  trade,  to  teach  her  the  f^ite  and  punish- 
ment of  INIi^o ;  and  not  the  smalhv^t  effort  which  Great 
Britain  has  made  is  this  of  the  steamers. 

riitlierto  the  Americans  have  beaten  the  British  in 
the  beauty  of  their  ships,  in  the  elegance  of  accommo- 
dation, and,  most  of  all,  most  galling  to  the  British, 
most  gratifying  to  American  pride,  they  have  been  the 
conquerors  in  point  (y\'  time  in  that  great  measure  of 
locomotive  success. 

Now,  I  know  it  is  said  that  this  whole  contest  is  "  a 
boat  race  across  the  Atlantic,"  (it  was  so  said  with  a 
sneer  by  an  honorable  Senator,)  and  therefore  un- 
worthy the  consideration  of  our  national  councils. 

It  is  something  more  than  a  "  boat  race,"  sir — much 
more ;  but  even  if  it  were  not,  if  it  was  only  to  settle 
the  question  of  superiorit}^  in  that  single  particular,  it 
would  still  be  worthy  our  special  consideration,  and  our 
liberal  support.  Nothing  that  is  national  is  unwoi'thy 
of  us.  But  suj)posing  it  is  only  a  "  boat  race  ?"  That 
race,  sir,  may  become  of  vast  national  consequence. 
You  recollect  the  interest,  sir,  which  was  manifested  in 
England,  some  months  since,  in  the  race  between  the 
American  yacht  and  the  British  vessel  of  the  same 
character.  It  was  not  the  excitement  of  a  foot  race,  or 
a  horse  race.  It  was  not  the  amount  of  money  at  issue, 
but  the  extent  of  reputation  involved ;  and  when  the 


\ 


26 

American  tnuni})liecl,  (and  the  Americans  always  will 
triiimpli  A\  Len  fair  play  is  insured,)  tlien,  sir,  the  mat- 
ter was  deemed  of  consequence  enough  to  occupy  the 
attention  of  the  British  Parliament,  a  proof  that  it  was 
of  national  interest,  and  connected  with  national  honor. 

Honorable  gentlen^en  must  not  underrate  the  impor- 
tance of  the  capability  of  a  vessel  to  beat  in  "  a  race." 
It  is  the  power  to  overtake  a  retreating  foe,  the  ability 
to  escape  from  a  superior  force.  The  vessel  that  can 
come  from  Liverpool  to  New  York  in  one  day  less  than 
any  other  ship,  can,  in  the  event  of  war,  overhaul  any 
ship  to  which  it  may  give  chase,  or  can  escape  from  any 
force  with  which  it  is  deemed  imprudent  to  contend. 
Let  not  that  be  overlooked. 

In  July,  1812,  the  frigate  Constitution,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Isaac  Hull,  was  descried  by  a 
British  fleet,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  JMassachusetts. 
That  ship,  sir,  which  stood  the  Ijrunt  of  the  whole  of 
the  war  afterwards,  seemed  then  destined  to  be  the  first 
maritime  martyr  of  that  war,  to  consummate  on  the 
ocean  the  evils  and  dissri-ace  which  had  been  beo^un  and 
continued  on  the  frontier.  Ships-of-the-line,  frigates, 
sloops,  and  tenders  were  rather  a  formidable  sight  for 
a  single  frigate  ;  to  fight  would  have  been  impossible — 
to  sti'ike  would  have  been  a  terrible  beoinnino:  of  the 
war  on  the  sea.  There  was  but  one  course  left,  and  that 
was  to  escape.  The  energy  of  the  officers  and  crew  of 
the  ship,  and  her  fieetness,  saved  her — saved  the  good 
old  Constitution  to  gather  from  other  fields  the  harvest 
of  glory  reaped  in  the  battles  with  the  Guerrier,  the 
Java,  the  Cyane  and  the  Levant.  Sir,  the  "  boat  race," 
in  which  the  United  States  ship  Constitution  won  the 
cup,  was  of  as  nmch  consequence,  and  as  full  of  glory 
to  the  nation,  as  was  the  battle  in  which  the  British 
fleet  were  destroyed  on  the  lakes. 


/ 


27 

Sir,  there  s  a  "  boat  race"  going  on  now  between  tlie 
clippers  of  our  Atlantic  cities,  and  the  merchant  ships 
of  Great  Britain,  and  I  need  not  tell  this  House,  that 
the  American  clippers  are  everyv^here  distancing  their 
competitors ;  and  individual  profit,  and  national  credit 
are  resulting  thei'efrom. 

Sir,  the  carrying  trade  between  China  and  Great 
Britain  is  now  much  in  the  hands  of  the  owners  of  the 
American  clipper-built  ships. 

The  "boat  race,"  then,  is  of  national  consequence ; 
and  England,  that  has  styled  herself  the  mistress  of  the 
seas,  stands  aghast  at  the  fact,  that  her  pleasure  A^nchts, 
in  which  speed  is  the  great  desideratum,  are  out-run  by 
the  pleasure  boats  of  the  United  States,  while  lier  na- 
tional ships  are  crowded  from  her  own  docks  by  Ameri- 
can merchantmen,  that  come  to  bring  to  the  British 
ports  the  goods  of  the  British  merchant. 

Mr.  Chairman,  do  you  think  that  Great  Britain  does 
not  see  that  the  same  ingenuity  and  enterprize  which 
construct  a  yacht  and  a  merchant  ship  to  out-sail  others, 
may  be  applied  to  ships  of  war,  and  that  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  ocean  may  be  derived  from  the  speed  of 
a  sail-boat  or  steamers. 

Mr.  Chairman,  let  me  urge  upon  this  House  the  daii- 
gers  of  neglecting  whatever  may  l>e  the  instrument  of 
national  contest.  Superiority  may  be  conceded  for  a 
time,  in  what  it  takes  time  to  complete  ;  but  no  nation 
will  wisely  and  willingly  admit  that  she  is  to  remain 
inferior.  No  matter  on  what  the  stake  is  set  for  na- 
tional contest,  ic  is  of  national  import  tha"-  victory  should 
be  achieved. 

Is  it  in  arts?  Genius  and  science  will  lend  their 
powers  with  patriotic  devotion  to  insure  superiority. 
Is  it  in  arms  ?  Courage,  skill,  and  daring  will  seek  to 
snatch  the  palm  of  victory.     Is  it  in  humanity  and  its 


\ 


^ 


28 


benevolent  schemes  ?  Tlie  heart,  while  it  yields  admi- 
ration to  the  efforts  of  others,  will  seek  to  procure  the 
crown  to  itself.  In  commerce,  in  agriculture,  in  all 
that  gives  wealth,  dignity,  confidence,  and  superiority 
to  a  nation,  let  us  encourage  our  own  people  to  take  the 
lead.  And  let  us  not  despise  the  spirit  which  fixes  a 
nation's  interests,  and  exercises  a  nation's  energies  in  the 
combat  for  swiftness  in  steamships.  Sir,  if  Great  Britain 
presents  that  as  the  test  of  superiority,  as  the  cause  of 
national  combat,  let  us  accept  the  gage  and  do  the  bat- 
tle, assured — 

"That  when  the  light  becomes  a  chase. 
He  wins  the  fight  who  wins  the  race." 

I  ask,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  means  of  victory  to 
American  exertions  here.  Since  the  British  merchant 
has  confessed  that  he  cannot  compete  with  those  of  the 
United  States,  without  the  patronage  of  the  B-"tish 
Government ;  and  since  the  British  Government  have 
seen  the  policy  of  granting  that  patronage,  you,  Mr. 
Chairman,  the  honorable  members  of  this  House,  will 
not,  I  am  sure,  see  the  American  merchant  succumb  for 
want  of  a  little  patronage  from  the  American  Govern- 
ment. 

Let  Enirland  excel  France  in  the  number  and  size  of 

I. 

her  ships ;  let  France  excel  Austria  in  the  discipline  of 
her  armies,  and  Russia  outrate  Holland  in  the  extent  of 
her  territory,  and  each  European  nation  be  superior  in 
some  respect  to  any  and  every  other  European  power ; 
but  oh,  let — nay,  not  let — let  us  Jielp  our  own  beloved 
Republic  to  excel  them  in  all.  Let  them  claim  and 
deserve,  each  of  them,  some  superiority  among  them- 
selves ;  but  let  pre-eminence  in  all  th  at  is  good  and 
great  be  the  prerogative  of  the  United  States. 


V 


i-  ".'uitt'  it^:.;-,-g j Aaft.  J. 


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